February 11, 1979
On the first day of February, 1979, an Air France jet touched down in Tehran
carrying a famous passenger on a journey of historic importance. When that
passenger emerged from the plane, he looked on his native country for the first
time in nearly 15 years. Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini had been in exile since
1964, and now he was returning with a single aim in mind.
It was the same goal that had driven the last several decades of his life: to
destroy the American-backed, secular government of Muhammad Rida Shah Pahlawi
and found an Islamic state.
He did not have to wait long. By the time he got to Iran, the Shah had already
left the country, bowing to extreme political pressure. In his place, a moderate
politician named Shahpur Bakhtiar had assumed the duties of prime minister and
head of state. By February 11, only 10 days after the ayatollah’s return—and 27
years ago today—Bakhtiar and the other remnants of the Shah’s government had
been chased from power, and a provisional government backed by Khomeini had
assumed control of the country. Few events since have had such grave
repercussions for the United States.
Born in central Iran in 1900, Khomeini was nearly 80 when he returned in
triumph. His conflict with the shah stretched back over decades. Before the
1950s he had been generally satisfied to advance his religious convictions by
teaching young scholars at the Faiziyeh Theological School, in Qom, Iran,
training them to follow his mystical, ascetic ways. In 1951, however, he watched
with interest as the reformer Muhammad Mossadegh garnered vast popular support
for a nationalistic approach to government. When Mossadegh was deposed by an
American-backed coup and the shah’s personal rule was restored, Khomeini
understood that there remained a latent demand for sterner leadership.
Gradually he waded deeper into politics, surreptitiously meeting with activist
clerics and learning from their experiences. And at the beginning of the 1960s
he became the most visible antagonist of Shah Pahlawi. In a series of
confrontations with the government, he spoke forcefully against the shah, his
accommodating attitude toward the West, and his policy of directing Iran’s oil
resources toward the United States and Britain.
The rivalry between the two leaders came to a head in 1963 and 1964. In 1963 the
Shah sent troops to Qom to storm the religious academy where Khomeini taught.
Until then Pahlawi had successfully undermined his opponents in labor unions and
political parties but had left the clergy largely untouched, even though some of
them harbored equally defiant sentiments. The government soldiers meant to
stifle Khomeini’s students’ revolutionary tendencies, but they had the opposite
effect. The killing of two unarmed students ignited widespread public anger.
Forty days later Khomeini led huge crowds in rituals of mourning for the slain
students, and the gatherings broke into ongoing riots.
The following year the situation deteriorated even further, as Khomeini came to
the forefront of Iranian politics by leading rallies denouncing a military pact
with the United States. In November it became clear to Pahlawi, his ministers,
and his American allies that Khomeini’s activism must stop. Faced with a number
of options, among them covert assassination, the shah chose to banish Khomeini
from Iran. On November 4, 1964, he and his son were taken to the airport in
Tehran and flown from there to a Turkish air force base.
Khomeini spent about a year in Turkey but soon received permission from Iraq’s
government to move there. He lived in the holy city of Najaf, Iraq, until 1978,
his hostility toward the shah and the United States unabated. Sympathetic
activists smuggled his writings into Iran, copied them, and distributed them
among the populace—especially among students. Understanding the menace Khomeini
still posed, the shah pressured Iraqi President Saddam Hussein to expel him.
When Hussein complied, Khomeini left for Paris; there, in the first weeks of
1979, he prepared to return home.
As Iran fell into economic crisis and popular opposition to the shah mounted,
Pahlawi, who had been diagnosed with cancer in 1974, ceded control of the
Iranian government to the moderate Bakhtiar and left for Egypt. By the time
Khomeini returned to Iran, Bakhtiar’s government was tottering. Less than a week
after his homecoming, Khomeini formed a provisional revolutionary government in
direct opposition to the regime. When the military refused to crush Khomeini’s
uprising, Bakhtiar’s government fell apart. On February 11, Khomeini’s followers
declared victory on Iran’s state radio.
With his fundamentalist regime in place, Khomeini adopted a militantly
anti-American stance on foreign policy. On November 4, 1979, student followers
of his seized the American embassy in Tehran, taking 66 American spies and
dealing a fatal blow to the struggling Carter presidency. In 1980 the
Ayatollah’s government mounted a massive invasion of neighboring Iraq, leading
to the protracted and bloody struggle that defined much of America’s involvement
in the Middle East during the 1980s. Though Khomeini himself died in 1989, his
followers control Iran to this day and continue to embrace his antagonistic
attitude toward the United States and the West.
In 2005 Iran elected a new president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Before he became
president, Ahmadinejad was mayor of Tehran, but before that he was a foot
soldier in Khomeini’s fundamentalist revolution. Five former hostages have
identified him as one of the students who seized the American embassy. According
to one journalist, the Iranian president’s political philosophy can be stated
simply: “Ahmadinejad sees his role as promoting the same platform of global
jihad he has been actively participating in since 1979.” And the latest battle
over Iran’s nuclear capability is a strong sign of that. Thus Khomeini’s seizure
of power influences global politics to this day, and the heirs of his revolution
continue to threaten the interests and security of the United States.